
iii
Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
The persecution and killing of individuals accused
of practising so called ‘witchcraft’ is a significant
phenomenon in many parts of the world, although it
has not featured prominently on the radar screen of
human rights monitors
“
“
UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Phillip Alston (2009)

iii
Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery
in the Highlands of
Papua New Guinea
Discussion Paper
Prepared for the 10
th
Anniversary of
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325
New York October 2010

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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
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Port Moresby
Aitape
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Weam
Kupiano
Angoram
Telefomin
Talasea
Gloucester
Ewase
Milim
Panguna
Buin
Kwikila
Lumi
Koroba
Kabwum
Nadzab
Kokoda
Kiunga
Kavieng
Rabaul
Kimbe
Lae
Wewak
Madang
Wabag
Mendi
Mt. Hagen
Goroka
Kundiawa
Kerema
Vanimo
Daru
Arawa
Popondetta
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W E S T S E P I K
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C E N T R A L
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on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance
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Map No. 4104 Rev. 1 UNITED NATIONS
January 2004
Department of Peacekeeping Operations
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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
1
I
Background of the Discussion Paper
On 30 October 2010, the UN Security Council will mark the 10th anniversary of its resolution 1325 to reaffirm its
global commitments on women, peace and security. For this occasion, the OHCHR Regional Office for the Pacific
has prepared this discussion paper on armed tribal conflict and sorcery-related insecurity for women in the highlands
of Papua New Guinea (PNG), to inform the important debate around the implementation of resolution 1325.
UNSCR 1325 advocates for special recognition and respect for international law applicable to the rights and protection
of women and girls, from gender based violence, particularly rape and other forms of sexual abuse and violence. The
resolution emphasizes the responsibility of the State to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible.
This discussion paper highlights from a gender and human rights perspective the neglected issues related to decades
of what appears to be escalating tribal conflict in the highlands of PNG. In particular, this paper highlights the
relevance of the human rights framework, and the principles underlying UNSCR1325, in analyzing and responding
to armed tribal conflict and sorcery in Papua New Guinea. The paper discusses actions that could be taken by the
national authorities to address the social and human rights impact of armed tribal conflicts in PNG which have caused
tremendous suffering, including loss of lives, property, and internal displacement.
1
Information for the discussion
paper was collected during a mission undertaken by the OHCHR Pacific gender advisor in September 2010 to
the provinces of Goroka, Kundiawa and Mount Hagen, which comprise the Eastern and Western Highlands of
PNG. Consultative meetings took place with women’s organizations, individual women leaders, government officials,
representatives of non-governmental organisations, and tribal leaders involved in armed conflict. Likewise, research
papers, human rights reports and other documents were reviewed. The interviews and documented reports by local
organizations revealed human rights violations during armed tribal conflict, as well as in situations of insecurity caused
by attacks on those accused of sorcery, amounting to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of the victims as a form
of sexual and gender based violence.
In collecting information for this discussion paper, it became evident that there are major gaps in data related to
insecurity in highlands, both in terms of armed tribal conflict and insecurity caused by threats and attacks as a
result of allegations of sorcery. In relation to armed tribal conflict, there is little data regarding the numbers of
tribal conflicts taking place, the number of
casualties, numbers of displaced, the locations
where conflict is taking place or where people
are displaced to. Similarly, with sorcery
related attacks and killings, there is no reliable
data on the numbers of attacks, deaths,
displacements or even the numbers of arrests
or prosecutions.
In this light, it is clear that greater efforts are
needed to gather information and respond to
these situations. It must also be said that this
discussion paper is only an initial attempt on
the side of OHCHR to raise the profile of some
of these issues and is in no way exhaustive. It
is intended to bring some of these issues to the
table for further discussion and to promote
recognition of the stark problems that exist.
It is hoped that it will also provide an impetus
for further steps to strengthen the protection
of the human rights of ordinary women, men
and children in the highlands.
1
OHCHR does not take a position on whether tribal violence in Papua New Guinea should be classified as armed conflict in terms of
international law, nor does it suggest such violence is a threat to international peace and security that should engage the attention of the UN
Security Council. It uses Security Council Resolution 1325 in this context as a relevant frame of reference for analysing the gender dimen-
sions of this violence and framing recommendations for action.

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3
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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
3
II
Context of Armed Tribal Conflict
Papua New Guinea occupies the eastern half of the tropical island of New Guinea, and comprises also numerous
smaller islands and atolls. The central part of the island rises into a wide ridge of mountains known as the
highlands, a territory that is so densely forested that the island’s many indigenous communities remained isolated
from each other for millennia. These geographic characteristics have contributed to make Papua New Guineans
one of the most heterogeneous people in the world with a population a little less than 7 million.
The people of PNG have a strong attachment to land, which is almost entirely held communally. Traditional
indigenous communities do not recognize a permanent transfer of ownership when land is sold. Most Papua
New Guineans still adhere strongly to traditional social structures, which have roots in village life with bonds of
kinship and obligations extending beyond the immediate family group.
Tribal fighting has long been a
feature of life in the highlands
of PNG, with conflicts between
and within tribes being fought
by one generation after the other.
Ancient weaponry comprised
mainly bows and arrows, crude
clubs and in more recent times
steel bush knives, occasionally
utilizing corrugated shields. The
usual method of engagement was
for conflicting parties to line up
opposite each other, spend several
hours verbally abusing each other,
with small rushes towards and away from the enemy being made - increasing in boldness and courage. Eventually,
a critical point was reached and the battle began in earnest.
However, this traditional form of fighting has dramatically transformed in recent decades into increasingly
deadly conflicts fought with imported or homemade firearms. The introduction and proliferation of firearms in
PNG has radically changed the face of conflict amongst tribes and clans in the highlands. Although no recent
and reliable figures are available, it is recognized that confrontations with firearms have resulted in a steep
increase in the numbers of mortalities and injuries, as well as in the number of people internally displaced.
Tribal armed conflicts in the highlands of PNG have traditional long-standing, as well as contemporary causes.
Originally, tribal conflicts were mainly disputes over territory, competition for land, women, and livelihood
resources, such as livestock. In some cases, sexual violence perpetrated against women belonging to one tribe by
members of another tribe could also trigger an inter-clan conflict.
However, since the country’s independence 35 years ago, elections have become one of the most acute causes of
armed tribal conflicts. Electoral politics is a highly contested arena in which candidates, the majority of whom
are male, and their clan supporters compete for government positions, at national, provincial or village level,
which allows them to access, control and distribute public goods. In the highlands province of Simbu, a village
magistrate and women leaders explained to OHCHR that people have come to regard positions in government
as a major, or only, source of opportunity, resources and finance.
In addition, the potentional for serious resource- based conflict in PNG should not be overlooked, particularly
in the light of the armed conflict in the 1990s in Bougainville, which was sparked by issues relating to copper
mining activities. PNG is rich with natural resources and exploitation of these resources is increasing. Given the
difficult and conflict-prone relationship to land in the country, it is foreseeable that extraction activities could
fuel armed conflicts, if not dealt with carefully. Recent reports of conflicts among the tribes with land on the
proposed route of the gas pipeline for the large LNG project further heighten concern of increased risk of armed
conflict in the country.

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2
3
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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
3
Armed tribal conflicts bring enormous devastation to people’s lives and property. Tribal conflicts seriously
undermine the dignity, safety and security of all individuals in the communities. People are killed, attacked and
raped, homes and gardens are destroyed, schools closed down and communities are displaced and fearful of
reprisals. In a tribal community in Minj, Western Highlands, tribal leaders told OHCHR that due to two years
of conflict (2008-2010), some of their members had suffered depression and committed suicide due to their
inability to cope with loss of land, property and lives, as well as rape and theft of livestock.
The increasing scale of armed tribal conflict has led to other social stresses, which particularly impact on women.
One example is the escalating bride price due to armed tribal conflict. In PNG, traditionally a bride price is paid
by the groom’s side to the bride’s family in order to allow the marriage to go ahead. In recent times, the bride
price has been increasing and apparently having negative consequences for young women. Research by Oxfam
has indicated that the increasing bride price is sometimes linked to compensation claims arising out of armed
tribal conflicts. ‘Young women expressed grave remorse at not being able to complete their education due to
the need to fulfill family and clan obligations of marriage so that their bride wealth could be used to source
compensation demands by their tribal enemies as a result of the conflict’. (Oxfam, p84)
2
.
Few effective measures appear to have been taken to prevent and reduce armed tribal conflict in PNG.
Humanitarian responses are rare and there appears to have been no attempt to apply international standards
and frameworks for prevention and response, including analysis of the displacement situation according to
the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. Again, in Minj, tribal leaders expressed frustration over
government inaction to their plight and the inability of the police to arrest perpetrators of crimes that led to the
escalation of conflict.
2
Oxfam International PNG Highlands Programme, has given OHCHR permission to cite from their as yet unpublished report on
sorcery and armed tribal conflicts in PNG. We have therefore referenced their material through-out the report, as it is used. All other
information in this discussion paper relies on first hand material gathered during the OHCHR mission and secondary sources listed in
the annex

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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
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III
Sorcery and Witchcraft Accusations as a
Prevailing Form of Insecurity for Women
Of particular note and relevance to this paper is an apparently strong correlation between the insecurity brought
about by tribal fighting and sorcery. According to the media, sorcery is one of the factors for inciting tribal fights in
the highlands. In the Hangonofi district (an area visited by the OHCHR mission), 25 of the 31 incidents reported
of tribal fights from 2005–2007 were caused by sorcery. For the same period in Kainantu district, a total of 11
tribal fights were reported, of which 7 were related to sorcery. In the Unggai Bena district, all of the 7 tribal fight
cases from 2002-2006 were reported to be related to sorcery.
The Catholic Bishop of Kundiawa estimates that sorcery has caused the displacement of 10 – 15% of the Simbu
population. The displaced persons include victims of sorcery accusations and their families who are banished from
the village after their homes, garden, livestock and other property are destroyed, or those individuals who fled from
their usual place of residence in fear of being attacked and killed. Some people have also said they left because of
fear of being attacked by sorcerers.
Papua New Guinea ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW) in January 1995. In its recommendations to the Government of PNG in July 2010, the independent
panel of experts responsible for monitoring compliance of state parties reported the following:
[The Committee urges] the State party to take immediate and effective measures to investigate the incidence of torture and killings of
women and girls, especially old women, based on accusations of witchcraft or sorcery, to prosecute and punish the perpetrators of such acts
and to prevent their reoccurrence in the future. The Committee calls on the State party to accelerate its review of the law on sorcery and
sorcery-related killings and to strengthen the enforcement of relevant legislation. The committee urges the State party to strengthen its
awareness-raising and educational efforts, targeted at both women and men, with the support of civil society and involvement of community
and village chiefs and religious leaders, to eliminate this practice.
Women go through major insecurity due to sorcery and witchcraft allegations in Papua New Guinea, in particular
in the highlands. Strong beliefs are held in PNG that there are individuals who possess magic powers, referred to
as ‘sanguma’. The broad majority of the population in the highlands believes in extra-natural explanations to life
misfortunes. (Oxfam 2010) When a death, sickness or an accident occurs, it is common for community members
to explain it as having been caused by the use of sorcery. Despite the lack of tangible data on this issue, allegations
of sorcery, usually against women and more vulnerable members of the community, have been on the rise, with
increasingly violent consequences, including the
murder and physical mutilation of those accused of
having practiced sorcery.
In 2003, the Institute of Medical Research identified
that victims of sorcery-related attacks and killings
are mainly women, in particular widows, or other
vulnerable individuals who do not have any kin to
protect them. Men are also victims of sorcery related
attacks and killings, however, according to the PNG
police, women are six times more likely to be accused
of sorcery than men. According to information
received, women who marry into a different tribe are
more easily targeted, since there is less fear ofpayback.
Widows and elderly women who do not have children
or relatives to protect them, women who are born out
of wedlock or who do not have any standing in their
kinship are considered the most vulnerable to sorcery
and witchcraft accusations. Those who torture or do
the killing are almost exclusively men, often related
socially or biologically to the victim, and often
heavily intoxicated with alcohol and drugs.

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Armed Tribal Conflict and Sorcery in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea
5
Sorcery related killing is a violation of the right to life and a form of gender based violence. Those accused of sorcery
can do very little to prove their innocence. The accused are punished by death, injury,destruction of their property
or exile. They are subjected to cruel and inhuman treatment like beatings with barbed wire, having their bones
broken, burning with red hot metal, rape, suspending people over fire, cutting of body parts, amputation of limbs
and dragging victims behind moving vehicles. Among the murders reported were those victims that had been buried
alive, beheaded, choked to death, thrown over cliffs, into rivers or caves, starved, axed, electrocuted, suffocated with
smoke, forced to drink petrol, stoned or shot.
The nature of the injuries inflicted on the ‘suspected’ sorcerer is usually very serious. They have included fractures of the
scalp, the hand, and other bones, cutting of tendons and veins, and severe burns to the bodys. These are all acts intended
to inflict serious harm and pain. Victims of sorcery related attacks are often near death when referred to the hospital.
There also appear to be many instances where accusations of sorcery, leading to killings, injuries or exile, are
economically or personally motivated. Several individuals interviewed during the OHCHR mission commented that
deception and trickery are involved. For instance, accusations are made as a means to take over land or possessions of
those accused, or because payments have been made by third parties to name alleged sorcerers. Increasingly, there is
a perception that accusations of sorcery are a convenient disguise for premeditated murder based more on a person’s
dislike for another, jealousy, envy, greed, rivalry or revenge.
The government does not have available data on sorcery related killings and attacks, or numbers of individuals arrested,
prosecuted and punished for such attacks. However, other sources of information indicate that it is an a serious issue,
affecting increasing numbers of people. According to media reports, at least 50 women were reported killed in 2009
for sorcery and witchcraft. PNG’s status report to the CEDAW committee stated that these killings have doubled in
recent times. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and OXFAM PNG Highlands Program have all expressed
serious concerns over attacks on women and men accused of sorcery, living mainly in rural highland areas.
The highlands region has a higher prevalence of sorcery related violence than other regions. Records kept by the Simbu
police registered 92 deaths linked to sorcery accusations between for April 2000 – June 2005 The provinces of Simbu and
Eastern Highlands reported more than 50 cases of sorcery related death in 2008. In January 2009, the PNG police reported
that the number of people killed for alleged involvement in sorcery had risen. Many more cases remain unreported.
Attacks against people accused of sorcery can be prosecuted as a crime under ordinary criminal legislation and there
has been at least one case in 2009 for which an attacker was imprisoned under the criminal law for causing the death
of someone accused of sorcery. There is also the PNG Sorcery Act of 1971 (enacted before independence), an Act
‘to prevent and punish evil practices of sorcery and other similar evil practices and for other purposes relating to
such practices’. It is premised on an acknowledgement of the
existence of sorcery and criminalizes both those who practice it
and those who attack people accused of sorcery. More critically,
the Sorcery Act focuses principally on the sorcerer as perpetrator
and does not adequately cater for instances in which the alleged
sorcerers are the victims. It is rarely used in practice. The PNG
Constitutional Review and Law Reform Commission is now
consulting with communities over the need for better legislation
to address sorcery related killings.
Law enforcement in PNG, and in particular the capacity and
will of the police forces to respond to sorcery related attacks
is very limited. In addition to the taboo surrounding sorcery,
which may prevent intervention, other reasons given for lack of
response to requests for assistance include shortage of personnel,
vehicles and fuel, and limited presence of the police. In many
cases, communities can be reluctant to give information to the
police due either to fear of attack or support for the attackers.
However, despite the real difficulties faced, the lack of police
response is remarkable and leads to a situation of almost
unchecked impunity.

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The general perception in the communities visited during the mission was that, when it came to sorcery, the role of
the police, the church and the rule of law was ineffective. Many people, in some instances including the police and
other law enforcers, felt that the killing and attacks against those accused of sorcery were justified and needed to be
dealt with by the community.
It is perhaps the media that plays a more significant role in relation to uncovering, publicising and condemning
sorcery related attacks in the highlands of PNG. Regularly the newspapers print articles exposing new killings and
attacks. Just prior to publication, the national newspaper Courier-Post printed an article that began with the following
description of a recent attack.
“PORT MORESBY, Papua New Guinea (Oct. 6, 2010) – In Papua New Guinea, four people are dead. They were
brutally tortured and while they were crying out in agony, their tormentors tied their legs and hands, then threw them
into the fast flowing Waghi River. Their bodies have not been recovered. Two of those killed were an elderly married
couple, hardly strong enough to defend themselves against the attack. The deceased were accused of using sorcery to
kill a village chief. This happened on September 4 in Wangoi, Chuave in the Chimbu Province.”
The allegations contained in the article have not been verified, nonetheless such allegations are regularly reported
in the national print media in PNG and further confirm a concerning pattern of abuse and few reports of arrests
or prosecutions of perpetrators.
Cases of Sorcery Related Killings:
It is important to note that most cases of sorcery related attacks and killings are not reported to the police, the
media, human rights defenders or other bodies and are therefore, left undocumented. Even cases that have been
reported to the police or the media are often not fully investigated and the details remain unknown. Due to the lack
of alternatives, individual human rights defenders often take tremendous personal risk to try to provide protection
to persons at risk due to sorcery related accusations. Below, we outline three representative cases that have been
documented.
The Anna Benny Women’s Human Rights Defender Case
Anna Benny disappeared in the second week of November 2005, after she attempted to defend her sister-in-law,
who was being held in a house and attacked on suspicion of practicing sorcery. Anna and her sister-in-law were
both shot and killed.The police in Goroka town did not take any action in her case and refused to investigate on
the basis that they had not received a complaint from the family. A friend of Anna’s did, however, make a complaint
to the police, but was reportedly told that they could not act on hearsay reports. Other women’s rights defenders
have tried to investigate the case themselves and subsequently received threats.

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Anna was a women’s rights defender from Goroka who advocated for cases of violence against women to be treated
as serious criminal offences. Her friends recounted a case in which Anna was actively involved and related to the
abduction and rape of three young girls, aged from 7-11 years old, during tribal confrontations in the Eastern
Highlands. Anna refused to allow the rape of the young girls to be viewed merely as a ‘pay back’ and she insisted
that compensation was not an appropriate settlement. Instead she believed the police must arrest those responsible
for the abduction and rape. She was reportedly told that this was not her business and that it was a family matter.
Despite her efforts, none of the perpetrators were charged or faced trial. She was able, though, to ensure that the
girls were returned to their families.
On 26 January 2009, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch sent joint letters to Minister of Justice
Hon. Dr. Alan Marat and Police Commissioner Gari Baki expressing concern at ongoing reports of sorcery related
killings, particularly women, and called for greater action from the authorities to curb the violence and murders.
The letters raised Anna Benny’s case specifically and called for a thorough investigation.
Kerebug Dump Case
On 6 January 2009, at Kerebug Dump in Mount Hagen, a woman was reportedly lashed naked to a pole and burnt
to death, after allegedly being accused of practicing sorcery. The media reported that the woman “was burnt alive after
being blind-folded, both her limbs and parts of the abdomen tied to a piece of log and her mouth strapped and gagged
with rags. According to eyewitnesses, a truck loaded with five used truck tyres and firewood drove into the dump site at
around 2am yesterday... [a witness] who lives in the nearby settlement, said the suspects then lined up the tyres, poured
petrol over them and the firewood with the woman lying over it and set her ablaze.” (Courier Post 7 January 2009) The
victim had supposedly “confessed” to having eaten a man’s heart.
When OHCHR contacted the police about the case, they said that they had identified the body, despite the fact that it
was badly burnt, but were not publicly releasing the name of the victim. The police also stated that an investigation was
under way. OHCHR is not aware of any prosecutions resulting from the case.
Nolamb Yekum Case
Nolamb Yekum is from Moroboby in Kol, Jimi District in the Juwaka province in the highlands. She and her husband
and two children lived in Banz, North Waghi District. By early 2008, they had developed their land and made it home.
Another baby was on the way and her brother in law, Peter Duno, had joined them. Over some years prior to this,
members of a tribe in Banz had made several attempts to push them off the land. In the first week of February 2008, the
body of Peter Duno was found floating in the Mobol river.
Those who had tried to push Nolamb and her family off the land quickly accused them of killing Peter Duno through
the use of sorcery. She ran in fear of her life, weighed down by her pregnancy.
She and her husband were reportedly caught on February 6 and a group of men tied a rope around her neck and pulled it
over the branch of a tree. While she was hanging in the air her water broke and her baby was born. Someone helped the
baby, a girl, and also helped Nolamb down from the tree. She fled with her baby and sought refuge back in Jimi district.
She later learned that her two other children had died from starvation. She was subsequently reunited with her husband
after two years. In a statement to the media, she urged the government of PNG to give assistance to people who are
accused of sorcery. “We are now refugees in our own country,” she said (Highlands Post, 27 January 2010)
In response to the Nolamb Yekum case, representatives of the local authorities suggested that government set up a
‘refugee camp’ for sorcery victims who are displaced, stigmatized and have nowhere to live.
One official interviewed by a local newspaper, stated: “I see that there is no policy on sorceries. The victims of sorceries
are displaced. They are not accepted in the community for the rest of their life and their generations to come. They
will be refugees for their entire life and their generations to come. It’s like permanent damage to a family. Killing and
destroying of food gardens is not a solution. Law is the solution,” he said. (Highlands Post, 27 January 2010)

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IV
Gender, insecurity and peace mediation
Conflict is a gendered phenomena and the experiences of women and men in situations of insecurity, conflict and
conflict resolution are significantly different.
In general, armed conflict between tribes in PNG are resolved through traditional mediation, through local
government structures, including village courts and usually supported by the local law and justice sector, or a
combination of the two. With some exceptions, outlined in more detail below, women have not played a significant
role in either form of peace mediation. Culturally, women do not participate in traditional peace mediation efforts.
During interviews with women from Kafi, whose tribes had recently been in armed conflict, they explained that
their role was to cook for the men while they were fighting and watch over the village for enemy encroachment.
During mediation and peace processes they had no role, and their concerns could only be expressed through their
fathers, brothers and husbands.
In local government facilitated
mediations, women also do not
feature as significant actors,
although there can be room for
NGOs or local organisations to
participate, which may include
women (see below). For the
most part, the village courts
3
are
underfunded and lack supervision
and support and so the role
they play can vary significantly,
depending on the individuals
present. Tribal male leaders can
also feed into these processes,
commanding respect when they
are quick to respond to disputes. The need for involvement of women has been recognized in a 2000 amendment
to the Village Court Act, which made mandatory the presence of at least one female magistrate. Unfortunately, this
is still to be implemented.
The provision of compensation between tribes in conflict is a traditional means of resolving disputes. Compensation
can be paid by one tribe to another for damage done during the conflict, including for deaths caused or rape of
women. During the OHCHR mission, tribal leaders in Minj expressed concern over the level of compensation
demanded for the death of one man. In their case, they felt that unreasonable compensation claims had caused more
problems and made the situation more confrontational and a determinant of further violence. They brought the
matter to the village courts, district mediation council, police authorities and to their representative in the national
parliament in Port Moresby, but to no avail. According to the persons affected the failure of the local authorities
and parliamentarians to respond to this dispute contributed to another armed tribal conflict on 29-30 September
2010, and 4 men died in the fighting. At the time of writing, the area they live in is considered a fighting zone.
Compensation also has significant gendered elements, in particular in the situation of tribes receiving monetary
payments in compensation for the rape of women. Compensation is not paid to the women and the benefits are not
received by the women. Communities often do not report the crime of rape to the police and perpetrators usually
do not face criminal prosecution.
Insecurity that arises out of allegations of sorcery is not considered a form of conflict that can be solved through
mediation. If it is reported to police, it can be dealt with through the criminal law. However, the broader effects of
sorcery accusations on the community at large, including those who are displaced through such accusations or fear
of them, are not addressed, it seems, either through traditional or governmental systems.
3
Village courts are established by a statute, with the intention of resolving disputes and maintaining peace and harmony in local communities,
by the application of customary law. Village court magistrates are appointed by the provincial administration.

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A case study on women for peace:
Women in the highlands have made on-going efforts to participate in ending armed tribal conflicts. The Kup
Women for Peace in Simbu province were some of these women. The village of Kup is in the Kerowagi District
and has suffered generations of inter-tribal and clan conflict. For the last 30 years, there has been protracted armed
tribal conflict. As a consequence of this long-standing conflict, out of sheer courage, audacity and determination,
women in Kup decided to respond to stop the fighting. They began their work in 2001 and since then, they played
a major role in bringing to a standstill some of the conflict. Over an 8 year period they were able to stem incidents
of tribal fights. However, in 2009 an armed tribal conflict has truly put Kup Women for Peace to the test in dealing
with the insecurity.
In late 2009, a land dispute arose between two sub-clans led by two businessman (Dambekanim and Kidim-
Kunaglgapam), both from the Kumai tribe of Kup. Several community mediations took place, facilitated by Kup
Women with the aim of preventing armed fighting between the two sub-clans. A total of 4 mediation processes
were held to resolve the developing inter- clan conflict. Initiated by the Kup Women, the final mediation process
was led by the Simbu Provincial authorities and produced a Memorandum of Understanding as a part of a statutory
declaration. It was signed by the two conflicting sub-clans and witnessed by the senior magistrate from the Kundiawa
District Court, police personnel and the Provincial Peace Mediation team.
During the time of the final mediation, a drunken youth from Dambekane was arrested by police and put in police
custody, where he sustained significant injuries and died. The news of the youth’s death in police custody reached
the clansmen (Dambekane) and tension rose again. The clansmen, instead of bringing the matter to police for
investigation, blamed the Kunanglgapam clan, claiming that the youth would not have died if there had not been a
mediation in town that day. Days after the burial, stealing of pigs and garden foods of both clans occurred. Then
a member of the Kunanglgapam clan was shot dead as he was in the process of removing iron roofing from the
elementary school near his village, knowing that violence was brewing and could destroy the school. In September,
15 policemen were supported by the Kup Women for Peace and the Provincial Police Commander to camp in
Kup to stop a further escalation of violence. They stayed for approximately two weeks and, although tense, there
were no significant acts of violence. The police, who were camping at Gongua to stop any occurrence of violence,
were asked by the police hierarchy to withdraw and retreat to Kundiawa - for reasons unknown to the community.
The Kundiawa police investigated the death in custody and found a police officer responsible. The case was then
referred to Port Moresby, and the current status of the case is not known.

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After the police had left, on 21 September 2009, the Simbu Provincial Peace and Good Order Committee met and
declared Kerowagi a fighting zone due to the violence that had erupted between the two clans. On 15 October
2009, a number of women from Pawakanem sub-clan went to Tembugwa village when they were stopped and
harassed by the youths from the rival clan. This incident led to the escalation of fighting and now included related
sub-clans who had not previously been involved. On 2 November 2009, the Dambekane clan ventured into their
rival clan’s land and other allied sub-clans in Kup and burned down the remaining houses, displacing everyone to
the mountains. The Kup Women’s centre was also broken into, ransacked and all resources and equipment were
destroyed.
The Kup Women for Peace told the OHCHR
mission that both clans suffered the following
impact from the 2009 armed conflict:
Dambekanem clan
– the entire village was
destroyed, coffee bushes and food gardens up-
rooted. An estimated population of 200 people
from this clan was displaced. They moved to the
other side of Wahgi River and further out to the
Western Highland province. Two men were killed.
The Bandi clan, allied with Dambekanem clan,
had 50 houses burnt down with food gardens and
coffee bushes destroyed. The Pawakanem clan had
approximately 20 houses burnt down. Those in the
Damekanem clan who were living in Mapuk village
had all their houses destroyed and in the Mandekup
clan, an elementary school for 100 children was
destroyed. The PNG Bible Church run ACE school
of 200 students was totally destroyed and 20 houses
burnt.
Kunanglgapam clan:
An estimated population of
300 people was affected, with 50 houses destroyed.
Coffee bushes and food gardens and other property
were destroyed. The same clan had a second village
(Gonga) of about 250 people, where approximately
100 houses were destroyed and the entire population
was displaced. An elementary school for 100 children
was also destroyed. In the Ugumkanem clan, twenty
houses were burnt with gardens and other property
destroyed.
Although no figures were given, interviews indicated
that women and girls were raped or otherwise
sexually assaulted during the conflict.
The Kup Women for Peace were also significantly
affected. Its members were divided between different
clan groupings, a number of them were displaced
and divided due to the conflict. Despite their initial
success in preventing the fighting, the combination
of conflicting interests, lack of law enforcement,
and high powered guns led to armed tribal conflict.
Now they have to work again towards reconstructing
their villages and maintaining peace in an insecure
environment.

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V
Conclusion
Deep concern is expressed at the level of insecurity in the highlands of Papua New Guinea as a result of continuing
armed tribal conflict and sorcery related killing.
It is vital that the government of Papua New Guinea takes urgent measures to fulfil its obligations under international
human rights law, and provide much needed protection to the people who are affected. Political will to close the
protection gap needs to be accompanied by adequate budget allocations to key security agencies like the police. The
international community is urged to support the government in providing protection from human rights abuses
linked to the insecurity, as well as addressing the root causes of conflict, which thus far appear not to have received
the level of attention they deserve.
Above all, it is important for the government and the international community to listen directly to women in Papua
New Guinea who experience serious human rights violations as a result of armed tribal conflict and sorcery, and to heed
their obligations to effectively implement human rights protections reflected in its international treaty commitments
and the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security.

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References and Lists of Documents Reviewed
1. Violence and Insecurity in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, Oxfam International PNG
Highland Programme 2010
2. Witch Killing and Engendered Violence in Simbu, Philip Gibbs, November 2008, The Melanesia Institute,
Goroka, Papua New Guinea
3. Simbu and Eastern Highlands Sorcery Scoping Report, March 2009, PNG Law and Justice Sector Secretariat
4. Sorcery Belief and Practices in the Simbu Province, Oxfam International PNG Highland Programme, 2010
5. Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea by Benjamin Reily, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol.49.No.1, April 2008,
ISSN 1360-7456, pp 12-22
6. Development in Wabag District: Some Preliminary Considerations for Post-Conflict Reconstruction,
Vincent Warakai and Jacob Taru, November 2009
7. Responding to Violence against Women in Melanesia and East Timor, Australia’s Response to the ODE Report,
AUSAID, 2009, ISBN 978-1-9211285-83-7
8. Women, Peace and Security, AUSIAD Implementation of UNSCR 1325, 2010
9. PNG Post Courier, Nolam Yekum’s Story, 25 January 2010
10. Highland Post, Help Sorcery Victims, by Kolopu Waima, 27 January 2010
11. Sorcery and AIDS in Simbu, East Sepik and Enga Provinces. Philip Gibbs, The National Research Institute,
Occasional Paper No.2. February 2009
12. Case Study on Papua New Guinea: On Informal Justice System, Carried out on behalf of UNDP, UNICEF
and UNIFEM by the Danish Institute for Human Rights
13. CEDAW/C/PNG/CO/3, 46
th
Session July 2010, Concluding Observations of the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women
14. Jumping the Gun? Reflections on armed violence in Papua New Guinea, by Nicole Haley and Robert Muggah,
ISSN 1024-6029, Volume 15, Issue 2, 2006
15. CEDAW/C/PNG/CO/3, 46
th
Session July, Government of Papua New Guinea Report
16. Ethnic Conflict in Papua New Guinea by Benjamin Reilly Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 49, No. 1, April 2008
ISSN 1360-7456, pp12–22
17. Youths, Elders, and the Wages of War in Enga Province, PAPUA NEW GUINEA, by Polly Weissner,
ANU (Australian National University) Discussion Paper 2010/30
18. Amnesty International Bulletin, AI and Human Rights Watch Joint Letter to Government of Papua New
Guinea, 26 January 2009
19. Amnesty International, The Impact of Guns on Women’s Lives, Index Number: ACT 30/001/2005,
Date Published: 7 March 2005
20. Sanguma in Paradise, Sorcery Witchcraft and Christianity in Papua New Guinea, Edited by Franco Zocca,
The Melanesian Institute, ISSN 0253-2913, ISBN: 9980-013-3
21. United Nations Security Council 1325, S/Res/1325 (2000)
22. Amnesty International, Papua New Guinea, Update to CEDAW 46th Session, ASA 34/004/2010

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All photos by Indai Sajor, taken during the
OHCHR mission to Papua New Guinea,
September 2010

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Tribal fighting in PNG because of LNG project says Kidu
Radio New Zealand International, 11 February, 2010
Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Community Development says a multi-billion dollar liquified natural gas project is spurring
inter-village war between traditionally non-violent tribal groups.
Dame Carol Kidu’s comment comes as police in Southern Highlands continue to dismiss suggestions that violence could
derail Exxon Mobil’s construction of an LNG pipeline between the province and Port Moresby. Despite the company’s
suspension of construction in several areas this week in response to ongoing violence, police say tribal fighting existed long
before the project and is unrelated. But Dame Carol says she spent last week negotiating between two villages within the
LNG site area who went to war over the project.
“We expect those things in some tribal groups in the remote areas but these are groups of people who have been through a
long period of missionisation, colonisation, pacification and were seen as the very non-violent people of Papua New Guinea.
But suddenly with this LNG project and all of the tensions and jealousies over the land ownership and all these things, it
blew up into a tribal war, a village war; inter-village war.”
Dame Carol Kidu, Papua New Guinea’s Minister for Community Development.

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Brutal sorcery killing shocks Papua New Guinea
PNG Post-Courier, 2 Sept., 2010
Can the government or somebody do something?
That is the question citizens in Western Highlands are asking following the death of a woman – killed in the most horrific
manner over sorcery allegations on Monday afternoon that left her four children living with relatives in fear. Their mother was
tied with barbed wires, publicly crucified and later burnt to ashes in a village on Monday afternoon. Reports say their father
had so far escaped from the killing as he feared for his own life. The barbaric killing took place at Kontena village in Anglimp
sub district. The Post-Courier visited the crime scene early yesterday and confirmed the incident.
The woman, a migrant settler from Mt Au, in East Kambia, a remote area in South Waghi, was allegedly accused of killing a
young man from the Kuli Nangen tribe through sorcery. According to relatives of the dead man, the woman confronted him on
Sunday over PGK10 [US$3.60] he had borrowed from her three weeks ago. His younger brother Petrus Kume said suspicions
were raised when the man complained of severe stomach aches after the woman had left without being repaid. Mr. Kume, a
councilor and former deputy president in the Anglimp LLG, said his brother died early Monday morning. Relatives immediately
surrounded the victim’s house, captured her and tied her up, using logs and barbed wires and displayed her in public, similar
to a crucifixion. Witnesses say she was badly beaten; her left arm chopped off and went through extensive interrogation
before being taken to the roadside where she was burnt alive using petrol, logs and used tires.
Mr. Kume claimed the woman confessed to placing his brother’s heart beside a creek. When the Post-Courier visited, only
parts of her intestines were covered with raw earth.
Copyright © 2010 PNG Post-Courier. All Rights Reserved
Pacific Islands Report
Layout and design: Gerardo Antonio
Printed in Davui Printery, Fiji
October 2010

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